Timeline

The Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College (Somafco) did not emerge as a big bang and cannot be interpreted in isolation to South Africa’s journey to democracy. It is part of a continuum of history and the contributions of those directly and indirectly affected.

Somafco emerged more specifically as a result of South Africa’s peculiar history, arguably dating centuries ago.Part of our history is based on an imperialistic ideology (missionary education) which resulted in scores of important lives that contributed to South Africa’s democratic dispensation.

More contextually, Somafco belongs to the history of the struggle for democracy in South Africa and for equal rights not only for our country, but for humanity as a whole.

In hindsight, more significant and symbolic developments in South Africa and Africa’s history are connected to what resulted into Somafco. The latter was and is essentially the coming to life of the power of education and its form for Africa’s liberation.

The idea of equal education for humanity was embodied through many lives, some which are noteworthy towards a comprehensive understanding of what brought about Somafco and its legacy.

The gestation period which brought about Somafco in the context of South Africa dates back many decades ago, particularly the 1900’s. Below are but some of the few ‘roots’ that birthed the ‘tree’ that was to be Somafco:

Somafco emerged as part of the struggle driven by education through the likes of John Langalibalele Dube, whose formal education began at Inanda and Adams College missionary schools. He later went to America to study at Oberlins College in 1877 and upon his return he became the first known black South African to found a school – the Zulu Christian Industrial School in 1901. The school was effectively a vocational training centre. Amazingly, Dube’s vision was to produce skilled artisans – the very same problem that cripples South Africa today.

His legacy in the education sector continues to live on at Ohlange High School in KwaZulu Natal.

One of Dube’s other notable achievements was his establishment of the iLanga lase Natal newspaper, where he used the publication as a conduit to advocate for equal rights for all South Africans.

Where it not for the brave initiative taken by Pixley Isaka Ka Seme, the leadership and contributions of many others may have been delayed or found a different form. Pixley Isaka Ka Seme is credited with being the foremost founding member of the ANC.

Educated in an American missionary school, like John Langalibalele Dube (brother to his mother), Ka Seme emerged from a humble background and undertook the initiative by proposing an idea whose destiny he probably had never quiet fathomed.

An erudite of note, Ka Seme is credited with having convened other well educated individuals and proposed the formation of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC), which later became the African National Congress (ANC). When his voice found receptive ears, Ka Seme was elected the first Treasurer General of the ANC and his uncle, John Langalibabele Dube was elected the first President-General of the ANC in absentia.

Another erudite and an irrepressible maverick, Sol Plaaitjie is also a product of missionary education. He received his early education at Pniel. At the age of 15, he became a pupil teacher.

He was a distinguished linguist, fluent in various languages to an extent that his career included being a court interpreter. He was also an editor of the newspapers (Tsala ea Becoana and Tsala ea Batho). He is the first known black publisher of a book; Mhudi.

A resourceful individual, Plaatjie managed to visit America and met the likes of Marcus Garvey and WEB Du Bois. His fetes are recorded in various forms but most importantly, his works remain one of the most interesting endeavours, particularly considering the era in which they where produced, which are still available today.

Plaatjie was a founder member and the first Secretary General of the ANC.

The first African woman to attain a degree at Wilberforce University in the USA, Charlotte Manye Maxeke had a great influence in the struggle for a free and non-racial South Africa.

She, like her aforementioned compatriots, was also a beneficiary of missionary education. Upon her return to South Africa, she founded the Wilberforce School in Evaton in the Vaal. The school attracted many aspiring black teachers, some of whom would later become part of the African National Congress and others taught at the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College.

Charlotte Maxeke was a woman who went against the odds in a fashion that no man would have. Her achievements cannot be simply attributed to missionary education alone, but more to the power of education as a driving force. Her sheer determination, tenacity and resilience birthed a string of stalwarts and struggle heroines such as Lillian Ngoyi and many others.

Chief Albert Luthuli was greatly influenced by Christianity. He was a respected leader who also honed his leadership skills through presiding over many challenges faced by his community members in Groutville.

Chief Luthuli lived with his uncle Martin Luthuli, who was the elected Chief of the Christian Zulus situated at the Umvoti Mission Reserve. Chief Luthuli completed a teaching course at Edendale and later received a government bursary to complete a teachers’ training course at Adams College, which was headed by Z.K Mathews. After completing his studies, the elders of his clan requested that he become a Chief of the Groutville reserve.

A nobel peace laureate, Chief Luthuli made great contributions to the principles and values of non-racialism. He inspired a great many, particularly his successor, Oliver Tambo.
These individuals (and several others) were gifted and armed with a world-view broadened by their initiatives, and as beneficiaries of missionary and tertiary education, they formed and or strengthened the South African Natives National Congress in and after 1912, to fight for the rights of the increasingly disenfranchised majority populace of South Africa.

These men and women aspired to the highest values of humanity, and the flame which they ignited was later passed on from generation to generation; hence burning racial and gender boundaries.

Mission schools provided a superior education to any other available to those who woke up as “pariahs in their own land”. They were centres from which the likes of John Langalibabele, Sol Plaaitjie, Pixley Ka Isaka Seme, Anton Lembede, Nelson Mandela, O R Tambo (also a teacher at Saint Peters where he later taught the likes of Henry Makgothi) went for their foundation education.

Although fundamentally driving an imperialist agenda, these centres of education demonstrated an essential point – that with a relatively good foundation, education can liberate.

Like an invisible golden bracelet, this was an asset that affirmed the spirit of those who fought for freedom – a gift they were prepared to pass on and even die for.

When many of them completed their foundation education and had the opportunity to further their education at tertiary institutions in South Africa, some went abroad and upon their return became agents of change for freedom for all. Mission schools, thus played a critical role of driving the cause of the kind of education South Africa and Africa, is still searching for.

The University of Fort Hare (UFH) was founded in 1916. To date, this institution boasts an influential alumni comprising of the likes of O. R Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Nelson Mandela; to mention but a few.

These heavyweights of the liberation struggle and humanity, were former members of the ANC Youth League and the University’s Student Representative body; thus ushering in a new epoch in the struggle for liberation.

Empowered by education and their unwavering values of humanity, leaders of the ANC, PAC, BCM, church leaders,Unions and other formations refused to surrender their fight for the liberation of South Africa and through this invaluable tool, these critical and lucid thinkers were able to influence campaigns and policies aimed at an equal society.

Education remained at the vanguard of liberation efforts. Just like a silent spirit, it selected its champions, chose its voice and found its subtle and sophisticated forms to influence the direction of history; thus shaping the future. All its disciples played a vital role in the sustenance of the struggle for equality within the country and in exile.

The UFH generation took over the baton from the generation of 1912 and began to radicalize the movement and steer it towards a more robust approach to the demands of the people and democracy. The Unions, under the leadership of JB Marks also played a visible and commanding role in stewarding the movement of the people.

This generation, led mostly by tertiary educated youths, took the struggle for equality to the next plateau.

“The most powerful weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed.” – Steve Biko.

Education also became a central factor and the driving force in the 1960’s and 70’s. It is noteworthy that many repressive laws were passed, but none had the effect that Bantu Education had; thus provoking a cohesive response on June 16, 1976.

The youth of ’76, characterised by powerful campaigns championed by the likes of Steve Biko and Tsietsie Mashinini amongst others, knew very well that through Bantu Education their futures were being directly and decisively tempered with. School teachers, revolutionized by leaders of the liberation movement, also played a major part in the rejection of an oppressive education system.

This epoch was the period of the diversification of the struggle, influenced by various factors including the increased repression arising from the barrage of oppressive legislation, which also saw the banning of the liberation movements and the arrest of much of its leadership, including Nelson Mandela.

This led to the emergence of organizations such as the National Union of South Africa Students (NUSAS), South African Students Movement (SASM), the South Africa Student Organization (SASO), as well as the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), amongst others. Many of these organisations were driven by the ideology of Black Consciousness, which played a key politicizing role ahead of June 16, 1976.

It is this generation that carried the baton of exile, forcing its agenda on liberation movements; hence funnelling and concentrating their exposure to education and experiences into what would later become the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College.

Post 1976 when the apartheid regime took even more repressive measures in the bid to contain the volatile situation, many youth who were in defiance of the imposition of Afrikaans on an already inferior education curriculum, began to move into exile to further their education and others to join the military wings of the exiled political organizations.

Youth who fled South Africa to neighbouring countries such as Swaziland, Lesotho, Zambia and Tanzania ended up in Magadu; a military base not far from Mazimbu, Tanzania. This base was used to house youth who had been stationed in Dar Es-Salaam, but due the crowded facilities and the rather unwanted attention they drew in the capital city, plans were made to place these youths elsewhere.

In 1973, negotiations to find land to build another facility to house these young people began and two years later, a piece of land just outside the City of Morogoro was identified. Finally, in 1977, the government of Tanzania donated the piece of land and the foundation of what was going to be the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College was officially laid.

“iMigwenya” (a name accorded to those forced into exile in the 60’s and like the tree they were/are compared to, had weathered many storms and gained layers of wisdom, yet remained rooted to the founding principles of the ANC) and the “Qiniselas” (who had earned the name from a song encouraging spiritual strength and prophesizing a speedy return to South Africa), are counted amongst those who laid the foundation of this historical institution around 1977.

At this particular juncture, Somafco was at the beginning of its embryonic form. The steadily increasing stream of youth into exile necessitated for a better co-ordination for those who had sought to further their education. It also became of strategic value to find means to satisfy these youth in terms of their aspirations in order to keep the ANC as the foremost leader of the revolution. It was also important for the ANC to demonstrate that it was not an organization hell-bent on a violent solution to the national question of Apartheid South Africa.

Somafco was a culmination of ideas, events and experiences, but particularly the contributions of various thought-leaders, individually and collectively.

These were men and women, young and old, who saw the power of education, emanating from those who came before them (as listed above).

Somafco was indeed the definitive outcome of this knowledge and a powerful gift to future generations – a gift that South Africa today is still determined to give to future generations to come.

Somafco came about through the support of many donor organizations, volunteers and countries. As such, Somafco was also a melting pot of cultural diversity, not only with locals from Tanzania, but nations of across the globe, mostly first world countries.

Somafco was a story of international solidarity and a people determined to make the world a humanized place.

Somafco was a place free of racism and sexism. It was a place of ideas, democracy and determination. It was a happy place for youth and a place of healing for those scarred by apartheid.

It was a place of initiative, collaboration and a vision. A vision of O.R Tambo, Julius Nyerere, Chris Hani, Olaf Palme, Albert Luthuli, Alfred Nzo and many others who didn’t live long enough to see South Africa achieve its democratic breakthrough.

This was the training ground for the democracy that South Africa needed. It was a place of trial and error that many regret and lessons that are yet to be put to full use.

Somafco or Mazimbu was a place where ‘Ama Charlotte’ – a residence where young women who fell pregnant were accommodated for a period of two years to nurture and raise their children. The residence was aptly named after Charlotte Maxeke.

There was also the Charlotte Maxeke crèche –a state of the art early childhood development centre, which boasted an excellent set of diligent care-givers.

Somafco is where the human ideals of many from across the world came to make a contribution to a human rights story and to protect the future.

Somafco was the vision of Africans for African development and it was through sound partnerships with international friends that brought it to reality. It is an institution of the past, present and most importantly, it remains an institution and ideology of the future.

Somafco was a sanctuary to students who survived an imaginable amount of torture. From those students who were actively involved in the 1976 riots, to those who were born in exile. Somafco was also an educational home away from home to some of the students who survived the ghastly Maseru Raid in 1982, Matola massacre and to those whose parents were serving the struggle in other parts of the world.

This institution boasted an array of volunteer teachers who came from countries as far as the then Germany Democratic Republic (now Germany), the Nordic states, England, Bulgaria, Guyana, Ghana, Australia, Austria, Cuba, Tanzania, Holland, to mention but some.

In 1985, the year of the official launch of Somafco, students from various solidarity movements gathered in Somafco for the Masupatsela camp which was approximately a 2 month event involving various cultural exchange activities. This gave youths from the various solidarity and liberation movements the opportunity to meet and engage on their lives and the future. It was one of the most powerful events in the history of the struggle and the role of youth.

Somafco or the community of Mazimbu was a great foundation and proof of what can be achieved through collaboration. This model was replicated or improved upon in neighbouring Dakawa, another settlement for South African exiles in Tanzania. These were phenomenal fetes which are second to none even in modern day society.

Somafco was not about South Africans or the students. It was about the role and journey of quality education and the many attendant values of humanity; thus delivering its consistent promise to liberate.

Education cannot be deemed to be always good. There are forms of education which have caused the world great harm and pain. Bantu Education is case in point.

Somafco was thus the education aimed at the healing and development of ALL of South Africa.

Academically, Somafco was an interesting, brave and bold experiment. It provided an education that defied the Bantu Education system in South Africa. The curriculum included development of societies (the communist outlook) and the history of struggle – which focused on the history of the liberation movements, labour movements, mining revolution, land dispossession, migrant labour system, Afrikaner nationalism and the Anglo-Boer wars (from a different perspective).

Reviewing the book ‘Foundations of a New South Africa’ derived from the text book, History of the Struggle (which includes updated historical events), Professor Colin Bundy wrote “Its achievement is impressive…A well researched history, it puts to shame the tepid texts approved by authorities inside the country.”

Under the chapter ‘history of the struggle’ cultural plays and performances in Mazimbu/ Somafco are featured prominently – where they illustrate how these plays were used as part of the learning experience.

In addition to English, there was a huge emphasis on core subjects such as Maths and Science – a direct contrast to the practice and myth in Apartheid South Africa that blacks were incapable of excellence in these subjects.

Great facilities existed to boost or reinforce the academic curriculum including a zoology section, a weather centre, as well as a science laboratory. These would have been rare in a primary and secondary school in Township South Africa during the 70’s and 80’s.

Nutrition, mostly food stock from the small scale farming activities in Mazimbu ensured that students were never hungry at school.

But Somafco went beyond being an education in opposition to Bantu Education; it experimented in what was called “Education with Production” or vocational training.

This demonstrated the desire to develop a “prototype” in infrastructure, but also in curriculum for a free and democratic South Africa.

Somafco was the centre of the community. Often referring to the entire 1000 hectare infrastructure, people say ‘Somafco’. The community was basically designed to support Somafco ‘the school’. Other community uplifting activities existed, giving youth an option other than academic education.

A garment factory was established which produced shoes, belts and clothing for the students and the greater community.

Various agricultural activities were also in place and again, all produce was supplied to the students and other residents.

The Vuyisile Mini factory supplied the community with desks and chairs for the college and the community library, as well wooden products for residential homes such as tables and beds, etc.

These were amongst many other support structures which made education in Somafco as uninterrupted a process as possible. The likes of O R Tambo, who were mobilizing the world-over, knew that an ideology and clarity of thought could only be strengthened through the most powerful weapon without which any oppressive force could never victor. EDUCATION!

In Somafco/Mazimbu, the ANC supported by many individuals and organizations in solidarity with it, displayed its idea of an independent self-reliant integrated model community and in particular, youth development. It displayed and put to action its idea on education from early childhood development to secondary school.

Three names were considered for what was initially known as the ANC School.

These were:

1. The Albert Luthuli Institute
2. The ANC School and ;
3. The Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College ( SOMAFCO)

All these names held merit, but the latter was finally preferred – a befitting honour to one of the youth struggle heroes, resembling the tenacity and resilience of youth.

In 1977, two years before the youth of South Africa erupted in defiance of an unjust education system, a young man by the name of Solomon Mahlangu was detained at Gogh Street in Johannesburg, following a shoot-out that claimed the lives of two people.

Although Mahlangu never fired a single shot, he was, nevertheless tried for murder as an “accomplice” in what the presiding judge (Judge Theron) viewed it as “…facts (that) the accused is equally liable and guilty with Mondy for the conduct of Monday.”

This led to numerous clemency protests in South Africa and further afield. The most notable was a protest of more than 4 000 University students from Witswaterand University. This group involved the “ Group of Ten” led by the late Dr. Nthato Motlana.

In the forefront of the United Nations’ outcry and clemency calls were former U.S President Jimmy Carter, the international anti-apartheid movements, as well as the World Council of Churches and Mr. E S Reddy -from the UN Anti-Apartheid Committee.

Solomon Mahlangu’s arrest and trial inspired one of the greatest international campaigns rallying for a greater focus on human rights violations in South Africa.

His pending execution prompted a rebuke by P W Botha on one of anti-apartheid stalwarts, Helen Suzman.

Suzman associated herself with the Stay of Execution Campaign (in solidarity with Solomon Mahlangu) – a campaign that not only touched all facets of global society, but the sporting fraternity too.

Mahlangu’s execution resulted in a pending Springbok Tour to France in April 1979, two weeks after his execution, to be described as “inappropriate” by the French government. This was prompted by pressure from the Anti-apartheid movement in France, supported by the International Olympic Committee, who threatened to exclude France from the following year’s Olympic Games should they allow the Springbok team to tour that country.

With intensified international collaboration, South Africa was becoming more of a pariah state than it already was.

Upon his sentencing, Solomon Mahlangu raised his hand to signal the Black Power sign and his last words are prominent in society and where inscribed at the entry point in Mazimbu/Somafco as depicted below.

He was defiant throughout his trial, remaining true to the cause of liberation for all South Africans. At the tender age of 23, Mahlangu altruistically chose to pay the ultimate price for his beliefs.

It is the spirit and convictions and his promise that his “blood will nourish the tree that will bear the fruits of freedom…” and the international awareness that he had inspired, that prompted the naming of the College as the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College.

This was a poignant reminder to the world that the youth of South Africa were being killed and denied the true liberation through an inferior education system.

“Our progress as a nation can be no swifter than our progress in education. The human mind is our fundamental resource.”– Horace Mann

According to a 2009 parliamentary presentation, South Africa has surpassed Brazil in the measure of the Gini coefficient (standing at 0.679), .i.e a measure of income inequality within a population.

Horace Mann, an individual who made great contributions towards humanity through education once said “…Education then, beyond all other devices of human origin, is a great equalizer of conditions of men – the balance wheel of the social machinery. It does better than to disarm the poor of their hostility toward the rich; it prevents being poor.”

Somafco/Mazimbu was at best, an example of a care-giving society driven by people who cared to contribute towards humanity and who believed and proactively contributed to that belief.

Mazimbu was about protecting the future, and the late O R Tambo, the chief campaigner for Mazimbu and Dakawa once said “…A country, a nation, a people that does not care for its children, has no future and deserves none…”

What the Somafco legacy should mean to former students

The ANC policy document on the formation of Somafco is unequivocal and leaves nothing to the imagination. According to the ANC Education Policy Document of 1978, the objective of SOMAFCO was to create a ‘political school’ that would:

• Prepare cadres to serve the national struggle of the people of South Africa in the phase of the struggle for seizure of political power and the post liberation phase.
• Produce such cadres as will be able to serve the society in all fields i.e. political, economic, socio-cultural, educational and scientific.

The national struggle for “seizure of political power” has been achieved, but it is clear that much has to be done in the fields of “political, economic, socio-cultural, educational and scientific”.

Thus the perceived role of the former student of Somafco as stated above, was for their participation in the reconstruction and development of South Africa for the benefit of the people in the country as a whole. It envisaged producing individuals who are agents of transformation and prosperity of the country, those who can advance the universal values of humanity.

The Somafco Trust exists as part of this continuum and aims to carry this heritage forward for the benefit of humanity, by being an example through youth empowerment and in particular through educational initiatives here in South Africa – a direct manifestation of rich heritage.

More about Somafco Click here

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Books on Somafco: Education in Exile: Sean Marrow, Loyiso Pulumani and Brown Maaba.

International Solidarity in and for Somafco- Alfred Mongezi